By Lisa Levenstein
During this daring interpretation of U.S. heritage, Lisa Levenstein reframes hugely charged debates over the origins of power African American poverty and the social guidelines and political struggles that resulted in the postwar city situation. A stream with out Marches follows negative black ladies as they traveled from a few of Philadelphia's so much impoverished neighborhoods into its welfare places of work, courtrooms, public housing, faculties, and hospitals, laying declare to an extraordinary array of presidency merits and prone. Levenstein uncovers the restrictions that led ladies to public associations, emphasizing the significance not just of deindustrialization and racial discrimination but additionally of women's reviews with intercourse discrimination, insufficient public schooling, baby rearing, household violence, and persistent disease. Women's claims on public associations introduced various new assets into negative African American groups. With those assets got here new constraints, as public officers usually answered to women's efforts by way of proscribing merits and trying to keep an eye on their own lives. Scathing public narratives approximately women's "dependency" and their kid's "illegitimacy" positioned African American girls and public associations on the middle of the growing to be competition to black migration and civil rights in northern U.S. towns. Countering stereotypes that experience lengthy plagued public debate, A circulate with no Marches bargains a brand new paradigm for figuring out postwar U.S. heritage.
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Extra resources for A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture)
Philadelphia’s labor force was desegregated even further in the early 1960s, thanks to a ‘‘selective patronage’’ campaign launched by the 400 Ministers, an organization of black clergy led by Reverend Leon Sullivan, a civil rights leader who was the pastor of the Zion Baptist Church. Drawing on a long history of African American consumer activism and ‘‘don’t buy where you can’t work’’ campaigns, the ministers presented Philadelphia ﬁrms that had discriminatory practices with speciﬁc demands regarding the hiring of African Americans.
After several months, Mrs. Elkins ﬁnally saved enough money to leave her sister and move her children to another West Philadelphia apartment. Although the new apartment had water and electricity, it still lacked basic necessities because when Mrs. Elkins had escaped from her husband, she had to leave behind all the appliances, towels, sheets, blankets, dishware, and furniture that she had accumulated over the years. ‘‘I was . . going from place to place, and all I had was clothes and kids,’’ she recalled.
Throughout the nineteenth century, the city had been a thriving manufacturing metropolis, well-known for its diverse array of goods—textiles, clothing, paper, glass, furniture, shoes, and hardware—produced in comparatively small shops and factories. S. ≤∏ Yet within Philadelphia proper, where most African Americans lived, the job losses continued. Between 1952 and 1962, a period of national prosperity, Philadelphia lost 90,000 jobs, as factories either went out of business or moved away. 2). This skewed occupational distribution resulted in part from African Americans’ relatively lower levels of formal education and lack of access to job training.
A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture) by Lisa Levenstein