By N. D. B. Connolly
A international extra Concrete argues that black and white landlords, marketers, or even liberal neighborhood leaders used tenements and repeated land dispossession to exploit the negative and generate amazing wealth. via a political tradition equipped on genuine property, South Florida’s landlords and householders complicated estate rights and white estate rights, specifically, on the cost of extra inclusive visions of equality. For black humans and lots of in their white allies, makes use of of eminent area helped to harden type and colour lines. but, for plenty of reformers, confiscating sure forms of actual property via eminent area additionally promised to aid enhance housing stipulations, to undermine the local impression of strong slumlords, and to open new possibilities for suburban lifestyles for black Floridians.
involved extra with winners and losers than with heroes and villains, A global extra Concrete offers a sober evaluate of cash and gear in Jim Crow America. It exhibits how negotiations among robust actual property pursuits on each side of the colour line gave racial segregation a amazing ability to adapt, revealing homeowners’ strength to reshape American towns in ways in which can nonetheless be visible and felt today.
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Extra info for A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida
53 In the wake of this ruling, white lawmakers in Florida and in state legislatures across the South passed a whirlwind of provisions exacerbating black disenfranchisement, peonage, school segregation, and, after Plessy v. 54 In a particularly active decade of black disenfranchisement in Louisiana—1894 to 1904—whites reduced the number of black registered voters from 130,000 to 1,300, a decrease of 99 percent. ”55 Land confiscation at the turn of the century served as an extension of lynching, sexual 30 / Chapter One assaults, and other forms of white terrorism meant to devalue the property and property rights of colored people.
89 “We insist,” the Colored Board of Trade wrote in the pages of the Herald, “upon a segregation that really does segregate, absolute and inviolate. . ”90 The primary problem, as some of Miami’s black entrepreneurs understood it, was the crippling potential of “invading” white capital squeezing out black money. “In times past, we left our former places of business and located in the section marked off for colored people; since that time we have not transgressed the line. . ”91 Experience in the Magic City’s early development and in the rural South taught many black businesspeople to fear the inherent dangers of white investment capital.
And from the 1830s to World War I, East and South Asians reached every British possession between British Guiana and Jamaica. 30 Between the 1880s and the 1940s, Miami’s chief source of black inmigration was from the Bahamas. For many Bahamian migrants, the stilldeveloping labor arrangements in early Miami seemed preferable to the ways in which white islanders and immigrant landowners exploited black workers under British colonialism. Few migrants arrived with the notion that Miami was some kind of racial utopia.
A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida by N. D. B. Connolly