By Christina S. Kraus, John Marincola, Christopher Pelling
It is a choice of experiences on old (especially Latin) poetry and historiography, concentrating specially at the influence of rhetoric on either genres, and at the significance of contemplating the literature to light up the historic Roman context and the ancient context to light up the literature. It takes the shape of a tribute to Tony Woodman, Gildersleeve Professor of Latin on the college of Virginia, for whom twenty-one students have contributed essays reflecting the pursuits and methods that experience typified Woodman's personal paintings. The authors that he has regularly illuminated - specially Velleius, Horace, Virgil, Sallust, and Tacitus - determine really prominently.
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He feared that the Spartans, when they heard clearly, would not let them [the Athenian ambassadors] go’) and 4 (‘Themistocles said quite apparently that their city was already walled’) maintain prophasis vocabulary, though the ‘fear’ element is again displaced from the Spartans. After the rebuilding, ‘the Spartans did not make their anger apparent to the Athenians . . 1): this is the ﬁrst-beginning of the ‘un-apparent’ prophasis. Then Themistocles promotes the building of the Piraeus, which ‘had been ﬁrst-begun before in his ﬁrst-rule which he ﬁrst-ruled for a year over the Athenians, considering that .
1 ‘I wrote up . . ﬁrst-beginning’, echoes Hesiod’s Theogony (1, 115) in paralleling the author’s ‘beginning’ with his theme of ‘beginnings’. 1–2’s distinction between logoi and erga, again implying that the former are less solid historically. 1. 2–19) sketches the Peloponnesian-Athenian dissension which will be treated at length in 89–117. This constant narrative regressiveness again imitates Herodotus. (h) Thucydides already conceives of IæåÞ (‘ﬁrst-beginning’) in a very complex way, cf. the verbal interactions beween XæîÆíôï, äØ ‹ ôØ, ôaò ÆNôßÆò, ðæïýªæÆłÆ ðæHôïí, ÇÅôBóÆß .
2), there is no implication that they are acting mistakenly or duplicitously. In regard, then, to this sub-question Thucydides seems to equivocate. Naturally, the historical Themistocles might very well have so equivocated to his Persian master. Again, what is the effect of the displacement of Themistocles’ obituary to before his actual death? Is it to deﬂect attention from Themistocles’ unsuccessful ‘suggestion’, or is it on the contrary to allow Thucydides to ‘suggest’ that Themistocles’ ‘story’—including his dealings with Persia—continued after his death, just as Pericles’ own story is going to continue for most of the work?
Ancient Historiography and its Contexts: Studies in Honour of A. J. Woodman by Christina S. Kraus, John Marincola, Christopher Pelling